مرکز اقبال شناسی .............. Iqbal Studies Center

IQBAL -The Philosophical Test of the Revelations of Religious Experience

Family of the Heart - DIALOGUE & DISCUSSIONS 

 Sir Syed And Jammal-ud-Deen Afghani

By: Dr.Maqsood Jafri  New York 

  Thank you very much Professor Mohammad Ashraf Chaudhry  for e-mailing me your article on the topic: One Problem --Two Solutions. In this article  you have discussed the personality of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and Jamal-ud-Deen Afghani. You have beautifully commented on their life style, ideology and activities. It is very impressive, informative and enlightening piece of erudition. I have learnt much from your views on them. I really appreciate your scholarly analysis of their minds and personalities.

You have cited the terms of some Western political thinker Mr. Jim, who believed in Fox politicians and Hedgehog politicians. Fox politicians are multi-dimensional, many faceted and exclusive while Hedgehog politicians are single minded and single tracked. In your analysis you have written that Sir Syed Ahmed Khan was like a hedgehog and Afghani was like a fox. The former succeeded in his mission with productive results and the latter failed in his mission leaving behind the legacy of religious extremists. Partly I agree with you. Your conclusion is based on facts and can not be denied but let us look at it from an other angle as well.

The mission of Sir Syed was to awaken the Muslims of India with an evolutionary process. He did not oppose the British colonialists, rather strongly supported them. He believed in the policy of reconciliation and unconditional alliance with the British rule in India. He was a senior government official and in the war of independence in 1857, he sided with the British rulers. In his autobiography he has cursed the opponents of the British in very harsh and abusive words. As his father was a lackey of the last Moghal emperor, this family was the family of touts and cronies. He even misinterpreted some of the verses of the Quran in the favor of the British rule.

He visited England and had meetings with the English high ups. In his famous book titled "The Causes of the Indian Revolt", he cursed and condemned the revolutionaries. But he also with wisdom and courage asked the British rulers to trust the Indian Muslims and high lighted the causes of the rebellion and tried to save the skin of the Muslims. On writing this book he had to face the trial in the British court but was honorably acquitted for his good faith for bringing the Indian Muslims closer to the British rulers. The critics of Sir Syed say that he was a stooge of the British and an opportunist who worked for the interest of the British for personal gains. Even at a place Jamal-ud-Afghani has condemned the ideas and deeds of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan. He accused him being a traitor, naturalist and atheist. Apart from the reconciliation policies of Sir Syed, in my view he was a rationalist. He was not a religious extremist or a narrow minded cleric. He had his own vision. He aspired the Muslim renaissance through science, knowledge and modern methods of research. He asked Muslims to learn English when the Muslim clergy rejected the learning of English and equated it to heresy. At a place Sir Sir Syed writes that the British rule is the blessing of God because we will be introduced to the advanced and modern world through their learning and sciences. He condemned the rule of the Indian Muslim monarchs branding them the agents of ignorance and fascism. He opined that the British rulers were hundred times better than these traditional visionless Muslim Moghal rulers. He also asked the Indian Muslims to co- operate with the British rulers and win their hearts as the Hindus had done to get more benefits in social,economic and political fields. We may agree or disagree with him but there are the people who admire his policy of reconciliation. He gave us Ali Gardh University which gave the Muslim nation a galaxy of intellectuals, politicians and scientists.

On the other hand, we see the role of Jamal-ud-Deen Afghani. You have praised the scholarly personality of Afghani but at the same time you have rejected his role and depreciated his life style branding him as a Fox politician who failed in his mission and left the pack of hard liners in the shape of religious extremists and terrorists. Sir Syed did not believe in the participation of clergy in politics as he was not a mullah but an enlightened Muslim thinker. Similarly Quaid-e- Azam, the founder of Pakistan also rejected theocracy and stood for secular and modern democratic system. But Afghani was a mullah. There is no doubt that he was a well read cleric and was even opposed by his narrow sighted contemporaries but after all he belonged to the class of clergy.  He asked the Muslims to learn the modern sciences. He well understood the needs of time.He was a revolutionary like his father. You have written that he was born in Kharasan, Iran but he affixed the surname Afghani to hide his Shia faith. It is not true. He affiliated  himself with Afghanistan  because he was brought up there. It was probably in 1999 when I attended an International conference on  him as a speaker in Tehran. Justice Dr. Javaid Iqbal, the esteemed son of Dr. Allama Iqbal was with me in that conference. After the conference we were taken to Kharasan. We saw the house where he was born and were introduced to his blood relatives. We were told that his father had political differences with the governor of kharasan and he escaped and sought refuge in Kabul. Afghani received his education in Afghanistan and was brought up there. This is the reason he preferred to be known as Afghani. He belinged to Shia sect but it was his greatness not to affiliate himself with sects. his mission was great. He was a cleric but an enlightened political cleric. His mission was Muslim unity and the abolition of the British colonialism from the Muslim world. His mission was to end the monarchy in the Muslim world as well and introduce Islamic democracy. His mission was the mission of Imam Hussain.  In his life time he used to write Al-Hussaini with his name as non-de plume. The Iranians do not write Afghani with his name. They write Jamal-ud-Deen Asaabadi. Asadabad is the name of the town in the province of Iranian kharasan. Then, in the year 2000, I had a chance to visit Kabul University in Afghanistan. I visited his grave and offered Fatiha. He was an eloquent speaker and an activist. He did not write much like Sir Syed. I have read some of his writings which mostly deal with the Islamic concepts of politics mysticism and world imperialism. We must not forget that the mission of Afghani was Pan- Islamism. It was not local like the mission of Sir Syed. He was very mobile. He was a fire brand. He did not stick to one country. Undoubtedly, he had amazing competence to inspire, motivate, mobilize and persuade the masses. He visited India, Iran,Turkey, Egypt,England and France and launched a gigantic move against colonialism. He was anti-colonialism. To free the Muslims from the fetters of the colonialists was his mission. In Afghanistan, the king appointed him as his adviser and sought suggestions and recommendations to reforming the educational and social set up. When he was in France, the king of Iran, requested him to come to Iran and help the government in the matters of social and educational spheres. He went there but became the victim of conspiracies of the bureaucrats.  He was tortured in Iran and ousted. He went to turkey. He was imprisoned  there and was poisoned to death. This was the fate he met with at the hands of the Muslim rulers who were the stooges of the Western imperialism.

So far the aftermaths of his movement are concerned, with due respect to your opinion about him, I beg to differ. He was not a hard liner. He was an enlightened cleric. The religious hardliners were against him.  In Afghanistan, Iran and Turkey the religious hard liners and the touts of colonialism opposed him.  He never preached terrorism, sectarianism or extremism. Dr. Allama Iqbal, the philosopher- poet of Pakistan, in one of his Persian poems has presented glorious tributes to him for his untiring struggle against colonialism. In a couplet he writes that  Afghani is the leader of the caravan of Ajam. He is our master, mentor and guide. We must not forget that it was Afghani whose light of revolution brightened the dark dungeons of serfdom. The Indians were liberated from the British. The Libyans were liberated from the Italians. The Algerians were liberated from the French. Similarly the Iraqis,the Egyptians and the Moroccons  saw the light of freedom. Once even USA was in the tenacious clutches of the British colonialism. We must salute the services of George Washington who won the war of freedom. As the USA was also once under the stone wall of the British colonialism, it is the humane and moral duty of the USA to help the freedom movements in the world such as the freedom struggles in Kashmir, Palestine, Angola, Chad and Chechnya. Jamal-ud-Deen Afghani never preached the government of clerics like Imam Khomeini of Iran. In Iran Imam Khomeni in his book titled" Islamic Government" gave the theory of the rule of the clergy. The movement of Imam Khomeini was also local. It was to over throw the tyrannical monarchic regime of the King of Iran, Reza Shah Pehlavi and replace it by Islamic democracy as deemed by him. On the contrary, Afghani had different mission. He desired emancipation of the Muslims from the colonialists and for that he woke up the slumbered Muslims. His efforts did not go waste. To date the Muslims are alert for their survival and are deadly against world imperialism. The people like Sir Syed has no place in history but the people like Afghani are immortal for their courage and conviction.

In the end, I would briefly like to comment on the two terms quoted by you in reference with the notion of Mr. Jim; the foxes and the hedgehogs. In my opinion these both terms are derogatory to be used for reformers or revolutionaries. Machiavelli was an Italian political philosopher characterized by cunning duplicity. The other name is of Chankata, a Hindu political thinker. Both are negative and destructive. As these people had no humane and moral values, they preached fraud and forgery. But Moses, Jesus and Mohammad preached loyalty, truth, honesty and virtue. We must follow the divine wisdom. We must not succumb or yield to fraudulent foes. Sir Syed had his own logic but Afghani was the lion of the era.  He was not a hedgehog but a roaring lion who left imperishable traces of revolutionary mission against the colonialists. No lover of democracy, justice,freedom and humanity will ever support the imperialists and the colonialists.

I agree with you so far as the case of women is concerned. Sir Syed believed in the emancipation of women and supported their participation in social and political matters. He was rational , modern and liberal. But on the other hand, Afghani did not believe in the participation of the women in the political and social life. In this case he seems retrogressive and fundamentalist. It was quite natural with him as he was not a modern thinker but only an enlightened cleric. America is the most advanced democratic country raising the slogan of the emancipation of women. It must be admired but can we show any Lady President in the two hundred history of USA? In Pakistan twice we had lady Prime Minister, Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto. In Turkey we had Ms. Taaso as Prime Minister.  In Bangla Desh we see Ms. Hasina Wajid Sheikh as Prime Minister. These were the Muslim ladies. In India Ms. Indra Gandhi remained Prime Minister. She was a Hindu lady. In England Ms. Margaret Thatcher was the Prime Minister. She was a Christian lady. It means the Muslims, the Hindus and the Christians believe in the participation of the women in politics. Only religious extremists belonging to different religions believe in the segregation  of ladies from politics and social life. Afghani was also a hard liner in these matters. I do not agree with him in such matters. But we can not ignore his meticulous services against colonialism.  I support your stance of liberating the women from our traditional subversive and servile culture. The women are also humans. They must not be treated like cattle and chattel. The religious hardliners are anti progression. They are retrogressive and radical. We will have to change this system. We will have to create circumstances supporting social liberties. Let us preach moderation, freedom, justice, love, rationality, humanity and peace.  But I am sorry to say that the USA and the Western countries, in the name of freedom, have dishonored the women class. They are sexually  being abused.  For marketing purposes they are presented on TV commercial programs nude and naked. Freedom does not mean perversion or nudity. The East is under male domination  and the West is under female domination. We need an equilibrium between the rights and responsibilities between the male and female class. The ladies must have free choice of marriage, job, education and socio-political life but should not be used as toys of fashion and sex.

Afghani was highly praised by the eminent writers of the West like Dr.Brown, Blent, Renan and Alfred Churchil. The eminent Muslim thinkers like Ustad Murtaza Motahri and Drt.Allama Iqbal also praised the grand mission of Jamal-ud-Deen Afghani.

Both, Sir Syed and Afghani have good and bad points to their credit. They were humans and to err is human. We must respect their sincerity in their mission. In a nutshell it can be concluded that Sir Syed was a great modern rationalist who awakened the Muslims to learn modern sciences.This must be admired. So for as his leanings to the British rule in India is concerned, he should have maintained balance. If he could not oppose them, he should have avoided unconditional slavery to the British rule. He even misinterpreted the Quran in the favor of the British which is ,of course, heretic. On the contrary, We must admire Afghani for his bold and brave stance against the Western aggressors, predators and transgressors. But his approach in some matters which reflect radicalism and fundamentalism can not be admired. Over all it can be maintained that they were big Muslim reformers and there services in their respective fields are marvelous.

Sincerely yours,

Dr.Maqsood Jafri

New York

Dated: April 15, 2010 

Written by:  IQSC at  10 | Link  | 

Muhammad Iqbal

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Muhammad Iqbal

Sir Allama Mohammad Iqbal
علامہ محمد اقبال

Full name

Muhammad Iqbal


November 9, 1877(1877-11-09)
Sialkot, Punjab, British India


April 21, 1938(1938-04-21) (aged 60)
Lahore, Punjab, British India


Modern philosophy


Pakistani philosophy


Islamic philosophy

Main interests

Urdu poetry, Persian poetry, Sufism

Influenced by[show]

·         Aristotle, Rumi, Ahmad Sirhindi, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Friedrich Nietzsche, Henri Bergson, Maulana Mohammad Ali, Thomas Walker Arnold


·         Indian independence movement, Khilafat Movement, Israr Ahmed, Abul Ala Maududi, Khalilullah Khalili, Jawdat Said, Bahadur Yar Jung



Sir Muhammad Iqbal (Urdu: محمد اقبال) born (November 9, 1877 – April 21, 1938) was a Muslim poet and philosopher born in Sialkot, British India (now in Pakistan), whose poetry in Urdu and Persian is considered to be among the greatest of the modern era,[1] and whose vision of an independent state for the Muslims of British India was to inspire the creation of Pakistan. He is commonly referred to as Allama Iqbal (علامہ اقبال‎, Allama lit. Scholar).

After studying in England and Germany, Iqbal established a law practice, but concentrated primarily on writing scholarly works on politics, economics, history, philosophy and religion. He is best known for his poetic works, including Asrar-e-Khudi—which brought a knighthoodRumuz-e-Bekhudi, and the Bang-e-Dara, with its enduring patriotic song Tarana-e-Hind. In Afghanistan and Iran, where he is known as Iqbāl-e Lāhorī (اقبال لاهوری‎ Iqbal of Lahore), he is highly regarded for his Persian works.

Iqbal was a strong proponent of the political and spiritual revival of Islamic civilization across the world, but specifically in India; a series of famous lectures he delivered to this effect were published as The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam. One of the most prominent leaders of the All-India Muslim League, Iqbal encouraged the creation of a "state in northwestern India for Indian Muslims" in his 1930 presidential address.[2] Iqbal encouraged and worked closely with Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and he is known as Muffakir-e-Pakistan ("The Thinker of Pakistan"), Shair-e-Mashriq ("The Poet of the East"), and Hakeem-ul-Ummat ("The Sage of the Ummah"). He is officially recognised as the "national poet" in Pakistan. The anniversary of his birth (یوم ولادت محمد اقبال‎ - Yōm-e Welādat-e Muammad Iqbāl) on November 9 is a holiday in Pakistan.



[edit] Early life

Muhammad Iqbal was born on November 9, 1877 in Sialkot, in the Punjab province of British India in what is now Pakistan. During the reign of Mughal emperor, Shah Jahan—according to scholar Bruce Lawrence—Iqbal's brahmin ancestors from Kashmir had converted to Islam.[3] Other scholars have also placed the conversion to around this time.[4][5] However, according to Iqbal biographer Mustansir Mir, the conversion to Islam took place even earlier, some four and a half centuries before Iqbal's birth.[6] Much later, around the turn of the nineteenth century, as the Kashmir region was coming under Sikh rule, his grandfather's family emigrated to the Punjab.[7] According to scholar Annemarie Schimmel, Iqbal often wrote about his being "a son of Kashmiri-Brahmans but (being) acquainted with the wisdom of Rûm and Tabriz."[8]

Iqbal's father, Nur Muhammad, was a tailor,[7] who lacked formal education, but who had great devotion to Islam and a "mystically tinged piety."[8] Iqbal's mother was known in the family as a "wise, generous woman who quietly gave financial help to poor and needy women and arbitrated in neighbor's disputes."[9] After his mother's death in 1914, Iqbal wrote an elegy for her:

Who would wait for me anxiously in my native place?
Who would display restlessness if my letter fails to arrive
I will visit thy grave with this complaint:
Who will now think of me in midnight prayers?
All thy life thy love served me with devotion—
When I became fit to serve thee, thou hast departed.[8]

At the age of four, young Iqbal was sent regularly to a mosque, where he learned how to read the Qu'ran in Arabic.[7] The following year, and for many years thereafter, Iqbal became a student of Syed Mir Hassan, who was then the head of the Madrassa in Sialkot, and later to become a widely known Muslim scholar.[9] An advocate of secular European education for the Muslim's of British India—in the tradition of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan—Hassan convinced Iqbal's father to send him to Sialkot's Scotch Mission College, where Hassan was professor of Arabic.[9] Two years later, in 1895, Iqbal obtained the Faculty of Arts diploma from the college.[9]

That year Iqbal's family arranged for him to be married to Karim Bibi, the daughter of an affluent Gujrati physician. The couple had two children: a daughter, Mi'raj Begum (born 1895) and a son, Aftab (born 1899). Iqbal's third child, a son, died soon after birth. Husband and wife were unhappy in their marriage and eventually divorced in 1916.

Later the same year, Iqbal entered the Government College in Lahore where he studied philosophy, English literature and Arabic and obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree, graduating cum laude. He won a gold medal for placing first in the examination in philosophy. While studying for his masters degree, Iqbal came under the influence of Sir Thomas Arnold, a scholar of Islam and modern philosophy at the college. Arnold exposed the young man to Western culture and ideas, and served as a bridge for Iqbal between the ideas of East and West. Iqbal was appointed to a readership in Arabic at the Oriental College in Lahore, and he published his first book in Urdu, The Knowledge of Economics in 1903. In 1905 Iqbal published the patriotic song, Tarana-e-Hind (Song of India).

At Sir Thomas's encouragement, Iqbal travelled to Europe and spent many years studying there. He obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree from Trinity College at Cambridge in 1907, while simultaneously studying law at Lincoln's Inn, from where he qualified as a barrister in 1908. In Europe, he started writing his poetry in Persian as well. Throughout his life, Iqbal would prefer writing in Persian as he believed it allowed him to fully express philosophical concepts, and it gave him a wider audience.[1] It was while in England that he first participated in politics. Following the formation of the All-India Muslim League in 1906, Iqbal was elected to the executive committee of its British chapter in 1908. Together with two other politicians, Syed Hassan Bilgrami and Syed Ameer Ali, Iqbal sat on the subcommittee which drafted the constitution of the League. In 1907, Iqbal travelled to Germany to pursue a doctorate from the Faculty of Philosophy of the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität at Munich. Working under the supervision of Friedrich Hommel, Iqbal published a thesis titled: The Development of Metaphysics in Persia.[10]

[edit] Literary career

Upon his return to India in 1908, Iqbal took up an assistant professorship at Government College in Lahore, but for financial reasons he relinquished it within a year to practice law. During this period, Iqbal's personal life was in turmoil. He divorced Karim Bibi in 1916, but provided financial support to her and their children for the rest of his life.

While maintaining his legal practice, Iqbal began concentrating on spiritual and religious subjects, and publishing poetry and literary works. He became active in the Anjuman-e-Himayat-e-Islam, a congress of Muslim intellectuals, writers and poets as well as politicians. In 1919, he became the general secretary of the organisation. Iqbal's thoughts in his work primarily focus on the spiritual direction and development of human society, centred around experiences from his travels and stays in Western Europe and the Middle East. He was profoundly influenced by Western philosophers such as Friedrich Nietzsche, Henri Bergson and Goethe. He soon became a strong critic of Western society's separation of religion from state and what he perceived as its obsession with materialist pursuits.

The poetry and philosophy of Mawlana Rumi bore the deepest influence on Iqbal's mind. Deeply grounded in religion since childhood, Iqbal began intensely concentrating on the study of Islam, the culture and history of Islamic civilization and its political future, while embracing Rumi as "his guide." Iqbal would feature Rumi in the role of guide in many of his poems. Iqbal's works focus on reminding his readers of the past glories of Islamic civilization, and delivering the message of a pure, spiritual focus on Islam as a source for socio-political liberation and greatness. Iqbal denounced political divisions within and amongst Muslim nations, and frequently alluded to and spoke in terms of the global Muslim community, or the Ummah.[11]

[edit] Works in Persian

Iqbal's poetic works are written primarily in Persian rather than Urdu. Among his 12,000 verses of poetry, about 7,000 verses are in Persian. In 1915, he published his first collection of poetry, the Asrar-e-Khudi (Secrets of the Self) in Persian. The poems emphasise the spirit and self from a religious, spiritual perspective. Many critics have called this Iqbal's finest poetic work[12] In Asrar-e-Khudi, Iqbal explains his philosophy of "Khudi," or "Self." Iqbal's use of the term "Khudi" is synonymous with the word "Rooh" mentioned in the Quran. "Rooh" is that divine spark which is present in every human being, and was present in Adam, for which God ordered all of the angels to prostrate in front of Adam. One has to make a great journey of transformation to realize that divine spark which Iqbal calls "Khudi".

A similitude of this journey can be understood by the relationship between fragrance and seed. Every seed has the potential for fragrance within it, but to reach its fragrance the seed must go through all the different changes and stages: First breaking out of its shell. Then breaking the ground to come into the light, developing roots at the same time. Then fighting against the elements to develop leaves and flowers. Finally reaching its pinnacle by attaining the fragrance that was hidden within it. Similarly, in order to reach one's khudi or rooh, one needs to go through the multiple spiritual stages which Iqbal himself went through, and encourages others to travel. Not all seeds reach the level of fragrance; many die along the way - incomplete. In this same way, only a few people can climb this Mount Everest of spirituality; most get consumed along the way by materialism.

The same concept was used by Farid ud Din Attar in his "Mantaq-ul-Tair". He proves by various means that the whole universe obeys the will of the "Self." Iqbal condemns self-destruction. For him, the aim of life is self-realization and self-knowledge. He charts the stages through which the "Self" has to pass before finally arriving at its point of perfection, enabling the knower of the "Self" to become a viceregent of God.[11]

In his Rumuz-e-Bekhudi (Hints of Selflessness), Iqbal seeks to prove the Islamic way of life is the best code of conduct for a nation's viability. A person must keep his individual characteristics intact, but once this is achieved he should sacrifice his personal ambitions for the needs of the nation. Man cannot realise the "Self" outside of society. Also in Persian and published in 1917, this group of poems has as its main themes the ideal community, Islamic ethical and social principles, and the relationship between the individual and society. Although he is true throughout to Islam, Iqbal also recognises the positive analogous aspects of other religions. The Rumuz-e-Bekhudi complements the emphasis on the self in the Asrar-e-Khudi and the two collections are often put in the same volume under the title Asrar-e-Rumuz (Hinting Secrets). It is addressed to the world's Muslims.

Iqbal sees the individual and his community as reflections of each other. The individual needs to be strengthened before he can be integrated into the community, whose development in turn depends on the preservation of the communal ego. It is through contact with others that an ego learns to accept the limitations of its own freedom and the meaning of love. Muslim communities must ensure order in life and must therefore preserve their communal tradition. It is in this context that Iqbal sees the vital role of women, who as mothers are directly responsible for inculcating values in their children.

Iqbal's 1924 publication, the Payam-e-Mashriq (The Message of the East) is closely connected to the West-östlicher Diwan by the famous German poet Goethe. Goethe bemoans the West having become too materialistic in outlook, and expects the East will provide a message of hope to resuscitate spiritual values. Iqbal styles his work as a reminder to the West of the importance of morality, religion and civilization by underlining the need for cultivating feeling, ardour and dynamism. He explains that an individual can never aspire to higher dimensions unless he learns of the nature of spirituality.[11] In his first visit to Afghanistan, he presented his book "Payam-e Mashreq" to King Amanullah Khan in which he admired the liberal movements of Afghanistan against the British Empire. In 1933, he was officially invited to Afghanistan to join the meetings regarding the establishment of Kabul University.

The Zabur-e-Ajam (Persian Psalms), published in 1927, includes the poems Gulshan-e-Raz-e-Jadeed (Garden of New Secrets) and Bandagi Nama (Book of Slavery). In Gulshan-e-Raz-e-Jadeed, Iqbal first poses questions, then answers them with the help of ancient and modern insight, showing how it affects and concerns the world of action. Bandagi Nama denounces slavery by attempting to explain the spirit behind the fine arts of enslaved societies. Here as in other books, Iqbal insists on remembering the past, doing well in the present and preparing for the future, while emphasising love, enthusiasm and energy to fulfill the ideal life.[11]

Iqbal's 1932 work, the Javed Nama (Book of Javed) is named after and in a manner addressed to his son, who is featured in the poems. It follows the examples of the works of Ibn Arabi and Dante's The Divine Comedy, through mystical and exaggerated depictions across time. Iqbal depicts himself as Zinda Rud ("A stream full of life") guided by Rumi, "the master," through various heavens and spheres, and has the honour of approaching divinity and coming in contact with divine illuminations. In a passage re-living a historical period, Iqbal condemns the Muslim who were instrumental in the defeat and death of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula of Bengal and Tipu Sultan of Mysore respectively by betraying them for the benefit of the British colonists, and thus delivering their country to the shackles of slavery. At the end, by addressing his son Javid, he speaks to the young people at large, and provides guidance to the "new generation."[11]

His love of the Persian language is evident in his works and poetry. He says in one of his poems:[13]

گرچہ اردو در عذوبت شکر است

garche Urdū dar uzūbat shekkar ast

طرز گفتار دري شيرين تر است

tarz-e goftar-e Dari shirin tar ast

Translation: Even though in sweetness Urdu* is sugar - (but) speech method in Dari (Persian) is sweeter *

[edit] Works in Urdu

Iqbal in Spain, 1933

Iqbal's first work published in Urdu, the Bang-e-Dara (The Call of the Marching Bell) of 1924, was a collection of poetry written by him in three distinct phases of his life.[11] The poems he wrote up to 1905, the year Iqbal left for England imbibe patriotism and imagery of landscape, and includes the Tarana-e-Hind (The Song of India), popularly known as Saare Jahan Se Achcha and another poem Tarana-e-Milli (Anthem of the (Muslim) Community), which was composed in the same metre and rhyme scheme as Saare Jahan Se Achcha. The second set of poems date from between 1905 and 1908 when Iqbal studied in Europe and dwell upon the nature of European society, which he emphasized had lost spiritual and religious values. This inspired Iqbal to write poems on the historical and cultural heritage of Islamic culture and Muslim people, not from an Indian but a global perspective. Iqbal urges the global community of Muslims, addressed as the Ummah to define personal, social and political existence by the values and teachings of Islam. Poems such as Tulu'i Islam (Dawn of Islam) and Khizr-e-Rah (Guide of the Path) are especially acclaimed.

Iqbal preferred to work mainly in Persian for a predominant period of his career, but after 1930, his works were mainly in Urdu. The works of this period were often specifically directed at the Muslim masses of India, with an even stronger emphasis on Islam, and Muslim spiritual and political reawakening. Published in 1935, the Bal-e-Jibril (Wings of Gabriel) is considered by many critics as the finest of Iqbal's Urdu poetry, and was inspired by his visit to Spain, where he visited the monuments and legacy of the kingdom of the Moors. It consists of ghazals, poems, quatrains, epigrams and carries a strong sense religious passion.[11]

The Pas Cheh Bayed Kard ai Aqwam-e-Sharq (What are we to do, O Nations of the East?) includes the poem Musafir (Traveller). Again, Iqbal depicts Rumi as a character and an exposition of the mysteries of Islamic laws and Sufi perceptions is given. Iqbal laments the dissension and disunity among the Indian Muslims as well as Muslim nations. Musafir is an account of one of Iqbal's journeys to Afghanistan, in which the Pashtun people are counseled to learn the "secret of Islam" and to "build up the self" within themselves.[11] Iqbal's final work was the Armughan-e-Hijaz (The Gift of Hijaz), published posthumously in 1938. The first part contains quatrains in Persian, and the second part contains some poems and epigrams in Urdu. The Persian quatrains convey the impression as though the poet is travelling through the Hijaz in his imagination. Profundity of ideas and intensity of passion are the salient features of these short poems. The Urdu portion of the book contains some categorical criticism of the intellectual movements and social and political revolutions of the modern age.

[edit] Political career

Iqbal with Muslim political activists.
(L to R): Mohammad Iqbal (third), Syed Zafarul Hasan (sixth) (at Muslim University, Aligarh, India)

While dividing his time between law and poetry, Iqbal had remained active in the Muslim League. He supported Indian involvement in World War I, as well as the Khilafat movement and remained in close touch with Muslim political leaders such as Maulana Mohammad Ali and Muhammad Ali Jinnah. He was a critic of the mainstream Indian National Congress, which he regarded as dominated by Hindus and was disappointed with the League when during the 1920s, it was absorbed in factional divides between the pro-British group led by Sir Muhammad Shafi and the centrist group led by Jinnah.

In November 1926, with the encouragement of friends and supporters, Iqbal contested for a seat in the Punjab Legislative Assembly from the Muslim district of Lahore, and defeated his opponent by a margin of 3,177 votes.[14] He supported the constitutional proposals presented by Jinnah with the aim of guaranteeing Muslim political rights and influence in a coalition with the Congress, and worked with the Aga Khan and other Muslim leaders to mend the factional divisions and achieve unity in the Muslim League.

[edit] Revival of Islamic polity

Iqbal's second book in English, the Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam, is a collection of his six lectures which he delivered at Madras, Hyderabad and Aligarh; first published as a collection in Lahore, in 1930. These lectures dwell on the role of Islam as a religion as well as a political and legal philosophy in the modern age. In these lectures Iqbal firmly rejects the political attitudes and conduct of Muslim politicians, whom he saw as morally misguided, attached to power and without any standing with Muslim masses. Iqbal expressed fears that not only would secularism weaken the spiritual foundations of Islam and Muslim society, but that India's Hindu-majority population would crowd out Muslim heritage, culture and political influence. In his travels to Egypt, Afghanistan, Iran and Turkey, he promoted ideas of greater Islamic political co-operation and unity, calling for the shedding of nationalist differences. He also speculated on different political arrangements to guarantee Muslim political power; in a dialogue with Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Iqbal expressed his desire to see Indian provinces as autonomous units under the direct control of the British government and with no central Indian government. He envisaged autonomous Muslim provinces in India. Under one Indian union he feared for Muslims, who would suffer in many respects especially with regard to their existentially separate entity as Muslims.[14] Sir Muhammad Iqbal was elected president of the Muslim League in 1930 at its session in Allahabad, in the United Provinces as well as for the session in Lahore in 1932. In his presidential address on December 29, 1930, Iqbal outlined a vision of an independent state for Muslim-majority provinces in northwestern India:

Iqbal with Choudhary Rahmat Ali and other Muslim activists

"I would like to see the Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state. Self-government within the British Empire, or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated Northwest Indian Muslim state appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims, at least of Northwest India."[2]

In his speech, Iqbal emphasised that unlike Christianity, Islam came with "legal concepts" with "civic significance," with its "religious ideals" considered as inseparable from social order: "therefore, the construction of a policy on national lines, if it means a displacement of the Islamic principle of solidarity, is simply unthinkable to a Muslim."[15] Iqbal thus stressed not only the need for the political unity of Muslim communities, but the undesirability of blending the Muslim population into a wider society not based on Islamic principles. He thus became the first politician to articulate what would become known as the Two-Nation Theory — that Muslims are a distinct nation and thus deserve political independence from other regions and communities of India. However, he would not elucidate or specify if his ideal Islamic state would construe a theocracy, even as he rejected secularism and nationalism. The latter part of Iqbal's life was concentrated on political activity. He would travel across Europe and West Asia to garner political and financial support for the League, and he reiterated his ideas in his 1932 address, and during the Third Round-Table Conference, he opposed the Congress and proposals for transfer of power without considerable autonomy or independence for Muslim provinces. He would serve as president of the Punjab Muslim League, and would deliver speeches and publish articles in an attempt to rally Muslims across India as a single political entity. Iqbal consistently criticised feudal classes in Punjab as well as Muslim politicians averse to the League.

[edit] Patron of The Journal Tolu-e-Islam

The First Journal of Tolu-e-Islam

He was also the first patron of the historical, political, religious, cultural journal of Muslims of British India and Pakistan. This journal played an important part in the Pakistan movement. The name of this journal is The Journal Tolu-e-Islam. In 1935, according to his instructions, Syed Nazeer Niazi initiated and edited, a journal Tolu-e-Islam[16] named after the famous poem of Sir Muhammad Iqbal, Tulu'i Islam. He also dedicated the first edition of this journal to Sir Muhammad Iqbal. For a long time Sir Muhammad Iqbal wanted a journal to propagate his ideas and the aims and objective of Muslim league. It was Syed Nazeer Niazi, a close friend of his and a regular visitor to him during his last two years, who started this journal. He also made Urdu translation of The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam, by Sir Muhammad Iqbal.

The page of First Journal of Tolu-e-Islam in which Syed Nazeer dedicated this journal to Sir Iqbal

In the first monthly journal of Oct. 1935, an article "Millat Islamia Hind" The Muslim nation of India was published. In this article Syed Nazeer Niazi described the political conditions of British India and the aims and objectives of the Muslim community. He also discussed the basic principles of Islam which were aims and objective of Sir Muhammad Iqbal' concept of an Islamic State.

The early contributors to this journal were eminent Muslim scholars like Maulana Aslam Jairajpuri, Ghulam Ahmed Pervez, Dr. Zakir Hussain Khan, Syed Naseer Ahmed, Raja Hassan Akhtar, Maulvi Ghulam Yezdani, Ragheb Ahsan, Sheikh Suraj ul Haq, Rafee ud din Peer, Prof. fazal ud din Qureshi, Agha Muhammad Safdar, Asad Multani, Dr. Tasadaq Hussain, Prof. Yusuf Saleem Chisti.

Afterward, this journal was continued[17] by Ghulam Ahmed Pervez, who had already contributed many articles in the early editions of this journal. After the emergence of Pakistan, the mission of the journal Tolu-e-Islam was to propagate the implementation of the principle which had inspired the demand for separate Muslim State according to the Quran. This journal is still published by Idara Tolu-e-Islam, Lahore.

[edit] Relationship with Muhammad Ali Jinnah

See also: Muhammad Ali Jinnah

Final years

Ideologically separated from Congress Muslim leaders, Iqbal had also been disillusioned with the politicians of the Muslim League owing to the factional conflict that plagued the League in the 1920s. Discontent with factional leaders like Sir Muhammad Shafi and Sir Fazl-ur-Rahman, Iqbal came to believe that only Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a political leader capable of preserving this unity and fulfilling the League's objectives on Muslim political empowerment. Building a strong, personal correspondence with Jinnah, Iqbal along with Moulana Abdur Raheem Dard (Resident missionary of the Ahmadiyya movement in London) were influential forces in convincing Jinnah to end his self-imposed exile in London, return to India and take charge of the League. Iqbal firmly believed that Jinnah was the only leader capable of drawing Indian Muslims to the League and maintaining party unity before the British and the Congress:

"I know you are a busy man but I do hope you won't mind my writing to you often, as you are the only Muslim in India today to whom the community has right to look up for safe guidance through the storm which is coming to North-West India and, perhaps, to the whole of India."[18]

There were significant differences between the two men — while Iqbal believed that Islam was the source of government and society, Jinnah was a believer in secular government and had laid out a secular vision for Pakistan where religion would have "nothing to do with the business of the state."[19] Iqbal had backed the Khilafat struggle; Jinnah had dismissed it as "religious frenzy." And while Iqbal espoused the idea of Muslim-majority provinces in 1930, Jinnah would continue to hold talks with the Congress through the decade and only officially embraced the goal of Pakistan in 1940. Some historians postulate that Jinnah always remained hopeful for an agreement with the Congress and never fully desired the partition of India.[20] Iqbal's close correspondence with Jinnah is speculated by some historians as having been responsible for Jinnah's embrace of the idea of Pakistan.[21] Iqbal elucidated to Jinnah his vision of a separate Muslim state in a letter sent on June 21, 1937:

"A separate federation of Muslim Provinces, reformed on the lines I have suggested above, is the only course by which we can secure a peaceful India and save Muslims from the domination of Non-Muslims. Why should not the Muslims of North-West India and Bengal be considered as nations entitled to self-determination just as other nations in India and outside India are."[14]

Iqbal, serving as president of the Punjab Muslim League, criticised Jinnah's political actions, including a political agreement with Punjabi leader Sir Sikandar Hyat Khan, whom Iqbal saw as a representative of feudal classes and not committed to Islam as the core political philosophy. Nevertheless, Iqbal worked constantly to encourage Muslim leaders and masses to support Jinnah and the League. Speaking about the political future of Muslims in India, Iqbal said:

"There is only one way out. Muslims should strengthen Jinnah's hands. They should join the Muslim League. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered by our united front against both the Hindus and the English. Without it, our demands are not going to be accepted. People say our demands smack of communalism. This is sheer propaganda. These demands relate to the defense of our national existence.... The united front can be formed under the leadership of the Muslim League. And the Muslim League can succeed only on account of Jinnah. Now none but Jinnah is capable of leading the Muslims."[18]

[edit] Final years & death

Tomb of Muhammad Iqbal at the entrance of the Badshahi Mosque in Lahore

In 1933, after returning from a trip to Spain and Afghanistan, Iqbal began suffering from a mysterious throat illness.[22] He spent his final years helping Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan establish the Dar ul Islam Trust Institute at the latter's Jamalpur estate near Pathankot,[23] an institution where studies in classical Islam and contemporary social science would be subsidised, and advocating the demand for an independent Muslim state.[24] Iqbal ceased practising law in 1934 and he was granted pension by the Nawab of Bhopal. After suffering for months from his illness, Iqbal died in Lahore on 21 April 1938. His tomb is located in Hazuri Bagh, the enclosed garden between the entrance of the Badshahi Mosque and the Lahore Fort, and official guards are maintained there by the Government of Pakistan.

Iqbal is commemorated widely in Pakistan, where he is regarded as the ideological founder of the state. His Tarana-e-Hind is a song that is widely used in India as a patriotic song speaking of communal harmony. His birthday is annually commemorated in Pakistan as Iqbal Day, a national holiday. Iqbal is the namesake of many public institutions, including the Allama Iqbal Medical College, Allama Iqbal Open University, the Allama Iqbal International Airport in Lahore, and Gulshan-e-Iqbal Town in Karachi and in Lahore. Government and public organizations have sponsored the establishment of colleges and schools dedicated to Iqbal, and have established the Iqbal Academy to research, teach and preserve the works, literature and philosophy of Iqbal. Allama Iqbal Stamps Society established for the promotion of Iqbaliyat in philately and in other hobbies. His son Javid Iqbal has served as a justice on the Supreme Court of Pakistan.

[edit] Influence and legacy

Street named in Iqbal's honour in Heidelberg, Germany.

If we are resolved to describe Islam as a system of superior values, we are obliged, first of all, to acknowledge that we are not the true representatives of Islam.

—Muhammad Iqbal[25]

Allama Iqbal's poetry has also been translated into several European languages where his works were famous during the early part of the 20th century.[citation needed] Iqbal’s Asrar-i-Khudi and Javed Nama were translated into English by R A Nicholson and A J Arberry respectively.[26]

[edit] See also

[edit] References

1.       ^ a b Anil Bhatti. "Iqbal and Goethe" (PDF). Yearbook of the Goethe Society of India. http://replay.waybackmachine.org/20081030083304/http://www.goethezeitportal.de/fileadmin/PDF/db/wiss/goethe/bhatti_iqbal.pdf. Retrieved 28 March 2011. 

2.       ^ a b "Sir Muhammad Iqbal’s 1930 Presidential Address". Speeches, Writings, and Statements of Iqbal. http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00islamlinks/txt_iqbal_1930.html. Retrieved 2006-12-19. 

3.       ^ Lawrence 2008, p. 151 Quote: "His ancestors were Hindus from Kashmir. Though Brahmins, they had converted to Islam during the reign of Shah Jahan."

4.       ^ Malhotra, S. L. (1983), Gandhi, Punjab, and Partition, Publication Bureau, Punjab University. Quote: "His ancestors belonged to ancient Kashmiri Brahmin family who became converts in the 17th century."

5.       ^ Sud, Kidar Nath (1978), Selections from Ghalib and Iqbal, Sterling Publishers. 110 pages. Quote: "The family had migrated from Kashmir where Iqbal's Brahman ancestors had been converted to Islam nearly 250 years before."

6.       ^ Mir 2006, p. 1. Quote: "Iqbal was born on 9 November 1877 at Sialkot, and old city in the province of Punjab in Pakistan. South four and a half centuries before his birth, his Brahmin ancestors in Kashmir (northern India) had converted to Islam.

7.       ^ a b c Mir 2006, p. 1

8.       ^ a b c Schimmel 1963, p. 35

9.       ^ a b c d Mir 2006, p. 2–3

10.    ^ Iqbal's "Development of Metaphysics in Persia" PhD thesis

11.    ^ a b c d e f g h "Allama Iqbal - Biography - Iqbal's Works" (PHP). 26 May 2006. http://www.allamaiqbal.com/person/biography/biotxtread.html. Retrieved 2006-12-19. 

12.    ^ Official website, Allama Iqbal Academy. "Asrar-e-Khudi". http://www.allamaiqbal.com. Retrieved 2006-05-30. 

13.    ^ Kuliyat Iqbal, Iqbal Academy Publications, 1990, Lahore, Pakistan

14.    ^ a b c "Allama Iqbal - Biography - Iqbal and Politics" (PHP). 26 May 2006. http://www.allamaiqbal.com/person/biography/biotxtread.html. Retrieved 2006-12-19. 

15.    ^ Naipaul, V. S.. Beyond Belief: Islamic Excursions Among the Converted Peoples. pp. 250–52. 

16.    ^ http://www.tolueislam.com/Urdu/mag/1935/1935_Oct.djvu

17.    ^ "Urdu Articles and Books". Tolueislam.com. http://www.tolueislam.com/Urdu/urdu.htm. Retrieved 2010-05-22. 

18.    ^ a b "Iqbal and Pakistan Movement". Allamaiqbal.com. http://www.allamaiqbal.com/person/movement/move_main.htm. Retrieved 2010-11-09. 

19.    ^ Official website, Government of Pakistan. "The Governor General". http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid/governor_g.htm. Retrieved 2006-04-20. 

20.    ^ Ayesha Jalal, The Sole Spokesman, pp. 14

21.    ^ Official website, Government of Pakistan. "The Statesman: Allama Iqbal's Presidential Address at Allahabad 1930". http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid/politician13.htm. Retrieved 2006-04-20. 

22.    ^ Schimmel, Annemarie (1962). Gabriel's Wing. Brill Archive. p. 55. http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=goE3AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA153&dq=Muhammad+Iqbal+illness&lr=&as_brr=3#PPA55,M1

23.    ^ Azam, K.M., Hayat-e-Sadeed: Bani-e-Dar ul Islam Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan (A Righteous Life: Founder of Dar ul Islam Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan), Lahore: Nashriyat, 2010 (583 pp., Urdu) [ISBN 978-969-8983-58-1]

24.    ^ "Allama Iqbal". Sunni-news.net. http://www.sunni-news.net/en/articles.aspx?selected_article_no=6842. Retrieved 2010-05-22. 

25.    ^ Quranic Research Group, Not Reform, but Return to the Quran

26.    ^ "Leading News Resource of Pakistan". Daily Times. 2003-05-28. http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_28-5-2003_pg3_6. Retrieved 2010-11-09. 


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علامه اقبال لاهوری سيالکوتی



 انديشمند، شاعر، نويسنده، حقوقدان



 1877 ـ 1938 ميلادی



ساحــل افتاده گفت گـــرچـــه بسی زيستم          هيچ نـه معلوم شده آه که من چيستم

موج ز خود رفته ای تيز خـراميد و گفت          هستم اگـــر ميروم گــــر نروم نيسـتم


محمد اقبال فرزند شيخ نورمحمد، در 18 ماه عقرب 1256 هـ، ش برابر با 9 نوامبر 1877 م در شهر سيالکوت هند بريتانوی تولد يافته بود.

نياکان اقبال از برهمنان عالی مقام کشمير بودند، که در حدود پنجصد سال قبل از تولد او به دين اسلام پيوسته بودند. اين خاندان را «سپرو» يعنی درس خوانده ميگفتند.

پدرش دکان بزازی (تکه فروشی)  داشت، که آن مغازه مرکز رفت و آمد علمای دين و پيشوايان مذهبها و مشربهای گوناگون اسلامی بود. مادرش (امام بی بی) زنی متدين بود. اقبال يک برادر و چهار خواهر داشت، که همگی از او بزرگتر بودند.

اقبال خواندن قرآن را در مساجد سيالکوت و دروس ابتدائی را در خانه آموخت، سپس وارد مکتب «اسکاج ميشن» سيالکوت شد و بعد از آن شامل «کالج ميشن» گرديد و دوره مقدماتی دانشکده را در همان کالج طی کرد. علاوه بر دروس معمول، لسان عربی و فارسی را نيز آموخت. زبان مادری اقبال پنجابی بود، به آموختن زبان اردو نيز علاقمند شد.يکی از استادان او در اين دانشکده سيد مير حسين، از دوستان پدرش بود که استعداد شاعری اقبال را شناخت و او را به سرودن شعر تشويق کرد.

هژده ساله بود که دورهء مقدماتی دانشگاه را با درجهء عالی به پايان رسانيد و به همين دليل دو مدال طلا و بورس تحصيلی نيز جايزه گرفت. او از آنجا به دانشگاه دولتی پنجاب رفت، ليسانس و فوق ليسانس اش را در رشتهء فلسفه بدست آورد.يکی از استادان اقبال در دانشگاه پنجاب، پروفيسور (سر توماس آرنولد) بود که بر شخصيت و افکار اقبال اثر ماندگار بر جای نهاد، آرنولد علاوه از فلسفهِ جديد در تاريخ و فلسفه و ديگر علوم اسلامی و زبان و ادبيات عرب نيز صاحب نظر بود. اقبال آنقدر در فلسفه از خويش استعداد نشان داد که آرنولد را شيفتهء خود کرد. او در بارهء اقبال گفته بود: "اين دانشجو استاد را محقق و محقق را محقق تر می سازد."

اقبال بعد از فراغت به درجه اول و اخذ مدال طلا از دانشگاه بلافاصله بحيث استاد زبان های شرقی (اورينتال کالج) مقرر شد و زبان عربی را تدريس می کرد و همزمان در کالج دولتی اسلاميه لسان انگليسی و مضمون فلسفه را تدريس می نمود.اقبال به تشويق و توصيه پروفيسور آرنولد در بيست و هشت سالگی عازم اروپا شد و در دانشگاه کمبريج در رشتهء فلسفه پذيرفته شد.در همان ايام با تنی چند از دانشمندان اروپايی آشنا شد و اين دوستی در شکل گيری انديشه های او بسيار موثر بود.

از ميان آنان می توان به داکتر (مک نگرت) استاد مشهور فلسفه و از پيروان هِگل و پروفيسور (رينالد الين نيکلسن) شرق شناس نامدار و مصحح و مترجم بسياری از آثار عرفانی همچون مثنوی معنوی، غزليات شمس تبريزی و تذکرة اولياء عطار اشاره کرد.اقبال همزمان با تحصيل فلسفه، در دانشکدهء حقوق (لينکن ان) نيز ثبت نام کرد و برای تکميل مطالعات فلسفی و تحقيق برای رسالهء دورهء دکتورا به (هايدلبرگ) آلمان سفر کرد و پس از يکسال به (کمبريج) برگشت. درين هنگام از دانشگاه (لينکن) مدرک يا سند ليسانس حقوق و اجازه وکالت دعاوی را گرفت.دکتورای فلسفه را از دانشگاه مونشن دريافت نمود.

در آن هنگام، اقبال سی و يک ساله به لاهور بازگشت، به او اجازه داده شد که به وکالت دعاوی بپردازد و نيز به عضويت کانون وکلای عدلی لاهور تقرر حاصل کرد.

سه سال بعد به سمت استادی فلسفه دانشکدهء دولتی لاهور منسوب شد، اما پس از مدتی استعفا داد و شغل خويش را منحصر به وکالت کرد تا بتواند آزادانه و بدون مداخلات شغلی انديشه های خويش را انتشار دهد.اقبال چهل و شش ساله بود که دولت انگلستان برای تجليل از مقام علمی و و شعريش به او لقب (سِر) اعطا کرد، دو سال بعد نيز از دانشگاه پنجاب دکتورای افتخاری دريافت کرد.


زندگی اقبال از آغاز جوانی با سياست پيوند خورده بود، جوانی او مصادف بود با مبارزات ضد استعماری و آزاديخواهانه مردم هند بر عليه انگليسها. او انيز درين مرحله از طرفداران استقلال هندوستان بزرگ و يکپارچه بود.او در کمسيونی که برای طرح دعاوی استقلال طلبانه مسلمانان و هندوان تشکيل شده بود عضويت يافت. اقبال چندين سال رياست حزب «مسلم ليگ» را در ايالت پنجاب به عهده داشت و از اين طريق مبارزات خود را بخاطر آزادی و تأسيس يک دولت مستقل مسلمان مرکب از سند و پنجاب و بلوچستان ادامه داد. اين آرزوی او ده سال بعد از وفاتش در سال 1948 م برآورده شد.

آشنايی با نظريه اتحاد اسلام و بخصوص ديدگاههای سيد جمال الدين افغان، اثر بسيار عميق بر ديدگاه های اقبال داشته است، چنانکه برخی از مهمترين طرز انديشه اقبال برگرفته شده از نظريات طرفداران اتحاد اسلام است، درين ميان تأثير افکار و آراء علامه سيد جمال الدين افغان بر او بيشتر است.اقبال مسلمان است و انديشهء او انديشه ايست که دين نقش تعين کننده در آن دارد، به عبارت ديگر بايد او را متفکر دينی خواند. مشرب او مشرب عارفانه است، اما عرفان او و عرفان تصوف اسلامی افراطی کاملاً منطبق نيست.او همچون همه عارفان «دل» مرکز واردات و دريافتهای فيض الهی ميداند.

چه ميپرسی ميان سينه دل چيست!     خِرد چون سوز پيدا کرد، دل شد

دل از ذوق تـپـش دل بــود، ليـکن       چو يک دل از تپيش افتاد گِل شد


همچنين اقبال چون عارفان نگاه فلسفی و استدلالی به جهان را خام ميداند و پای استدلاليان را چوبين می شمارد.

بــر عقــل فــلک تـرکانه شبيخــون بــــه     يک ذرهء در دل از عـلم فلاطون به


غير از آن او معرفت مفتيان و فقيهان را از دين، ظاهری و ناقص ميداند و تفسير آنها را از مذهب منطبق با روح و جوهرهء آن نمی شناسد.

متــاع شيخ اســــاطير کهــن بود      حديث او همــه تخمين و ظن بود

هنوز اســـلام او زنــار دار است     حرم چون دير بود، او برهمن بود


گذشته از اين، اقبال حتی بار ها و بار ها به صراحت، صوفيان را محکوم ميکند و آنها را خارج از مسير دين می خواند:

صـوفی پشــمينه پوش حــال مست     از شــراب نغــمــه قـــــوال مســت

آتش از شـــعـر عــــراقی در دلش       در نمی سـازد به قـــرآن محـفلش

از کــلاه و بوريــا تـاج و ســرير        فقـــر او از خانقــاهــان بــاجـگيــر


اين همه از آنجا نشأت ميگيرد که ديدگای اقبال، ديدگای اجتماعی است از اينرو اسلام او نيز اسلامی است که بر وجوه اجتماعی زندگی تاکيد دارد و عرفانش رنگی اجتماعی به خود ميگيرد.در نظر او هر کس و انديشه ای که وجوه اجتماعی زندگی را ناديده بگيرد يا خفيف شمارد، شايسه طرد است. به همين دليل صوفيان را که خانقانشينی و انزوا و گوشه گيری را ترويج می کنند پيروان مذهب تخدير ميداند و به ستيز با آنان بر ميخيزد. اين روند تا آنجا ادامه پيدا ميکند که به افلاطون (که به زعم او افکار صوفيانهِ مسلمانان از آراء او نشأت گرفته است) دشنام ميدهد.

راهـب ديـــريـنــه افــلاطــون حکيــم       از گـــروه گـــوســفـنــدان قـــــد يــــم

گــوســـفــنـدی در لـبـــا س آدم است       حُکم او بر جان صوفی محکم است


شواهد حاکی از آن است که اقبال در آغاز ورود به اروپا به "وحدت وجود" معتقد بود اما بعد ها با انتشار کتاب «اسرار خودی» نظريه "خودی" را ارائه داد و آنرا جايگزين "وحدت وجود" کرد.نظريهء "خودی" محور اساسی انديشهء اقبال است و آنرا به ابعاد گوناگون چون زندگی فردی، زندگی اجتماعی، اخلاق، هنر و ادبيات سرايت داده و به بحث در بارهء آن پرداخته است."خودی" در ديدگاه اقبال يعنی دريافت نيروی خود يا نيروی درون به عبارت ديگر "خودی" يعنی خودآگاهی و شناخت استعداد های فرد و تسلط بر آنها، نظريه "خودی" توصيه به اتکا به خود است. و در ابعاد اخلاق با مفاهيمی چون "عزت نفس" و "اتکا به نفس" خويشاوند بشمار می آيد.اقبال اين نظريه را در کتاب «اسرار خودی» توضيح بيشتر داده است.

مـــرا ذوق "خــودی" چـــون انگبين است        چــــه گــــويـم؟ واردات مــــن هـميــن است


اقبال دغدغه قدرت يافتن مسلمانان را دارد، او عقب ماندگی و انحطاط امروز ملتهای مسلمان را می بيند و از ضعف آنها به شدت رنج می برد. از سوی ديگر، قدرت غرب زمينيان و غلبهء آنها بر مسلمانان و پيشرفت غرب در علوم و تسلط آن بر نيروهای طبيعی را می بيند و بر سرنوشت مسلمانان حسرت ميخرود.در قلمرو شعر تاثير اقبال هم بر شاعران پارسی گوی شبه قاره هند و افغانستان و حتی شاعران ايران زمين بسيار است.غزليات علامه اقبال را آوازخوانان مشهور هندی و افغانی نيز زمزمه نموده و می نمايند. از جمله از جناب دکتور صادق فطرت (ناشناس) يادآوری ميگردد که با صدای دلپذيرش خوانده است:

فکــــر رنگينم کند نذر تهی دستان شرق      پاره لعـــلی کـــه دارم از بدخشـــان شما

ميرسد مردی که زنجـير غلامـان بشکند       ديـــده ام از روزن ديوار زنــــدان شمـا


و علامه اقبال در سال 1312 هـ ش برابر با 1933 م بدعوت محمد ظاهر شاه پادشاه سابق به افغانستان مهمان شد. او در وطن افغانها آنقدر صميميت ديد که در بازگشت کتاب «مسافر» را نوشت، اکثراً در ستايش کابل زيبا و غزنی و قندهار، در بارهء احمد شاه بابا، در باره سلطان محمود غزنوی، در باره محمد ظاهر شاه در مورد شاعر بلندآوازه غزنه سنايی و مردمان نجيب افغانستان در آن کتاب با ارزش سخنان دل پذير و دلنوازی و پرمحبت سروده است.واما از لحاظ سیاسی مردم افغانستان را قوم پراگنده دیده که سرودۀ ذیل را در مورد مردم افغانستان گفته است.


آن یکی اندر ســجــود ودیگــری انـدر قـیام      کــار وبـــارش چـــــون صلواة بــــی امـام



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علامه اقبال لاهوری

علامه اقبال لاهوری


زندگی در صدف خویش گهر ساختن است             عشق ازین گنبد دربسته برون‌تاختن است

بر گرفته شده از RAHA


جریانهای علمی و اکادمیک در افغانستان معاصر با جریانهای عمومی جامعه اعم از جریانهای نظامی ،سیاسی  ، اجتماعی ،اقتصادی ،مدنی و فرهنگی درپیوند قرار دارد که بادر نظر داشت عوامل داخلی و خارجی میتواند  تبیین کردد. اقبال الاهوری ، به عنوان یکی از شخصیتهای مطرح در جهان  اسلام ، در جریانهای علمی و اکادمیک افغانستان معاصر ، از جهات مختلف نقش دارد که ما اجمالا برخی از نکات عمدهء ان را  به بررسی میگیریم.


معرفی اقبال لاهوری                                                                                                    

علامه اقبال لاهوری  یکی از شخصیتهای مهم فرهنگ و تمدن نیم قارهءهند است  که جوهرهء اساسی فرهنگ و تمدن اسلامی را در دورهء معاصر تشکیل میدهد  و امروز به عنوان یکی از ایدیو لوگهای مهم جهان اسلام  شناخته میشود  به گونه یی که اندیشه هایش  در ایجاد جریانهای مهم سیاسی و فرهنگی کشور های اسلامی مخصوصا کشور های منطقه از اهمیت زیاد برخوردار است .محمد اقبال لاهوری  در 22 فبروری 1873 میلادی مطابق 3 دلو 1252 هـ .ش. در سیالکوت پاکستان تولد گردید 1 وبه تاریخ 21 اپریل  1938 میلادی  برابر با 1ثور 1317 هـ .ش. چشم از جهان فروبست. 2 در بارهءآموزشهای وی باید گفت که  اقبال بعد از کسب آموزشهای مقدماتی در مدارس محلی و یک مدرسه انگلیسها در حالیکه در محیطش به حیث  یک شاگرد ممتاز و جوان آگاه شناخته میشد جهت  تحصیلات عالی به پوهنتون کمبرج و پوهنتون مونیخ رفت و در رشتهء فلسفه به اخذ درجهء دکتورا نایل آمد . اقبال  قبل از سفر و اخذ دکتورا  با افکار دانشمندان و فلاسفهء غرب آشنایی داشت و از وضیعت کشور خویش در پیوند با استعمار مطلع بود و میخواست  نوعی از بیداری را در افکار و حیات سیاسی  ومدنی کشور پدید بیاورد ،تنظیم افکار  یا تنظیم ایدیولوژی و استفاده از شعر برای اشاعهء ایدیو لوژی کاری بود که وی به انجام آن مبادرت میورزید . آنچه خصوصیت عمدهء این کار هارا تشکیل میداد و بعد از تحصیل در پوهنتونهای غرب دقیقتر و عمیقتر گردید همانا توجه به دید علمی و نظم اکادمیک بود که از بزرگانی چون امام محمد غزالی ،مولانا جلال الدین محمد بلخی وسید جمال الدین افغانی 3 ودیگران به ارث برده بود وبا آثار متفکران ،دانشمندان وفلاسفهء معاصر غرب 4 پایه های آن را استحکام داده و ازطریق اشتغال به امور حقوقی ،سیاسی و مدنی 5 باساختار های مختلف جامعه علاقمندی یافته به تنظیم اندیشه های دینی خویش پرداخته بود و یکنوع ایدیولوژی اسلامی را به جهان معاصر برای مسلمانان ایجاد کرد ایدیولوژیی که با سید جمال الدین افغان در سر زمین ما  آغاز گردیده نخست در کشور های منطقه  بعدا در سطح همهء جهان اسلام اشاعه یافت و امروز به عنوان یک ایدیو لوزی معتبر در میان کشور های مسلمان مطرح است.


آثار مهم ا قبال لاهوری

اقبال لاهوری آثار زیادی در زمینه های مختلف دارداما آنچه از ان میان شهرت بسیار دارد و از جملهء آثار مهم بر شمرده میشود عبارت از کتاب احیای فکر دینی و رسالهء دورهء دکتورای وی یعنی انکشاف ماوراء الطبیعه در فار س  که تحت عنوان« سیر فلسفه در ایران» انتشار یافته است،میباشد .کتاب نخستین به عنوان یک کتاب ایدیو لوژیک برای مسلمانان و کتاب دومین به عنوان یکی از نخستین تحقیقات علمی در بارهء فلسفهءشرق در دورهء قبل از اسلام و بعد از اسلام از اهمیت ویژه برخوردار است . اشعار در ی اقبال تحت عناوین:«پیام مشرق»،«اسرارو رموز »،«جاوید نامه» ،«مثنوی پس چه باید کرد؟مع مسافر» و «ارمغان اعجاز» تنظیم گردیده است و در میان دری زبانان شهرت فراوانی دارد. (1)

  استراتیژی فکر اقبال                                                                                                     

اگر فقط به عناوین آثار اقبال  که قبلا  از آن تذکر به عمل آمد دقت صورت بگیرد خوانندهء آگاه از فکر و ایدیو لوژی در مییابد که اقبال به عنوان یک ایدیولوگ ، ایجاد جامعهء اسلامی را با در نظر داشت پیشرفتهای تمدن و فرهنگ امروز جهان هدف کارهای فکری  وادبی خود قرار داده بود و میخواست با اشعار و آثار خود نوعی از تحرک را جهت فعالیتهای فکری و ادبی برای خواننده گان محصوصا  خواننده گان دری زبان پدید بیاورد تا آنهابتوانند جامعه را از خواب غفلت بیرون آورند و به کار و کوشش وسازنده گی سوق دهند .  

میتودلوژی کار فکری و ادبی اقبال                                                                   

یکبررسی اجمالی از آثار اقبال نشان میدهد که وی میتود هایی را که به کار میگیرد از یکطرف با امور انفسی  ارتباط دارد چنانکه به خودی و شخصیت فردی توجه میکند  میخواهد آدمی را به خود متوجه سازد از سوی دیگر به امور آفاقی ارتباط دارد که در آن کار و سازنده گی وارزشهای این جهانی پر ارزش جلوه میکند . البته در این میان از یکطرف مقایسه را به کار میگیرد و زنده گی غربیان را در مقایسه با زنده گی شرق نشان میدهد از سوی دیگر ، دید تاریخی را مورد توجه قرار میدهد و شخصیتهای بزرگ جهان اسلام را در تاریخ ارائه میدهد و آنهار ا الگویی از پیشرفت مسلمانان در دوره های طلایی چون عهد سلطان محمود غزنوی ارائه میدارد وبالاخره با استفاده از میتود مختلط  خواننده را از یکطرف به خود متوجه میسازد از سوی دیگر به جامعه و طبیعت6  

اقبال و جهان اسلام                                                                                           

اقبال خود را یک مسلمان متعهد و رسا لتمند میداند که میخواهد ارزشهایی را که در اسلام مطرح است و مسلمانان آن را درک نمیکنند از طریق آثار خود توضیح دهد و بخواهد بگوید که آنچه از ضعفهایی که در جهان امروز وجود دارد توسط ارزشهای اسلامی از میان میرود یعنی پیشرفتهای مادی را در پیوند با ارزشهای اسلامی کمال یافته میپندارد و نبود آن ارزشهارا برای جهان مادی یک نقیصه تعبیر میکند . 

اقبال و نیم قارهء هند                                                                                        

اقبال نیم قارهء هند را به حیث یک الگو برای یک کشور اسلامی در دورهء بعد از رهایی از استعمار به تصور می آورد که پاکستان  با الهام از آن ایده ها یک دهه بعد از وفاتش تشکیل گردید . 

اقبال و افغانستان                                                                                            

اقبال به افغانستان به عنوان کشوری میدید که وارث تمدنهای بزرگ عهد اسلامی است 7 ودر زمان معاصر نخستین کشوری است که از یوغ استعمار رهایی یافته و میتواند الگویی برای سایر کشور های مسلمان قرار بگیرد به همین جهت کتاب پیام مشرق را با پیشکش به حضور اعلیحضرت امان الله خان آغاز نموده است . 

اقبال و جریانهای علمی و اکادمیک                                                                   

مهمترین خیصیصهءکارهای فکری و ادبی اقبال آنست که به امور و مسایل از دیدگاه علمی مینگرد و آنهارا به شکل آموزشهای منظم و اکادمیک مطرح میکند . چون دید علمی و اکادمیک دارد نمیخواهد امور را به شکل تقلیدی یا احساساتی مطرح کند بلکه هرچیز را تحلیل میکند و نتیجه میگیرد و یک موضوع را با موضوع دیگر ارتباط میدهد و از آنها نتایج کلی تر به دست میدهد. خواننده هنگامی که یک کتاب اقبال را میخواند فکر میکند در یک کر  یکولم یکی از مضامین را خوانده است که بخش دیگر آن در کتاب دیگر تکمیل میگردد . این کاری است که قبلا سایر بزرگان عالم اسلام مخصوصا امام محمد غزالی و  (2)   

مولانا جلال الدین محمد بلخی به صورت بسیار علمی انجام داده بودند چنانکه احیای علوم دین غزالی و مثنوی معنوی مولانا نمونه های برجستهء آن است که اقبال با الهام از آنها گویی به تدوین آثار منثور و منظوم خود پرداخته است. البته مبرهن است که امام محمد غزالی و مولانا جلال الدین محمد بلخی استادان بزرگ پو هنتونهای قرون ششم وهفتم  هجری برشمرده میشدند .

اقبال و جریانهای علمی و اکادمیک قبل از استقلال افغانستان                          

جریانهای علمی و اکادمیک در افغانستان معاصر طی سالهای قبل از استقلال کشور با کارهای علامه سید جمال الدین افغان آغاز گردید ،چنانکه مفهوم معارف عصری و تدوین برنامه های آموزشی و کار های اکادمیک به اثر کوششهای علامه سید جمال الدین افغان در عصر امیر شیرعلی خان در پهلوی کار در بخش ایجاد ساختار های جدید در جامعهء آن روز آغاز یافت.8 وزمینه برای پذیرش ارزشهای تمدن جدید از طریق جریانهای علمی و اکادمیک در نهاد های مختلف جامعه به وجود آمد ویکنوع روح تجددفرهنگی و مدنی در جامعه شکل گرفت همان روحی که بعدا با کار های سید جمال الدین افغان در هند ،مصر، سایر کشور های شمال افریقا ،ترکیه ،ایران ،عراق ،سوریه و دیگر کشور های اسلامی راه پیدا کرد . اقبال چون خود را یکی از ادامه دهنده گان راه سید جمال الدین افغان میداند ودر جاوید نامه در بخش فلک عطارد سید جمال الدین را  :  

سید السادات مولانا جمال                        زنده از گفتار او سنگ و سفال

میخواند واز زیارت ارواح جمال الدین افغانی یاد میکند  9   

اقبال و جریانهای علمی و اکادمیک بعد از استقلال افغانستان                           

یکی از ارکان عمدهء جریانهای علمی و اکادمیک دانشمنددایره المعارفی وفیلسوف برجسته کشور علامه صلاح الدین سلجوقی میباشد که وی و اقبال علاوه بر ارتباط معنوی که آنها از طریق خوانش آثار همدگر باهم داشتند هشت سال کامل، آندو هرسال هفته ها باهم یکجا به سر برده و تبادل افکار داشته اند 10 به اینجهت آنچه به نام مکتب فکری علامه سلجوقی در فرهنگ و ادب دورهء معاصر هستی دارد و تقریبا بسیاری از شخصیتهای مهم در دورهء بعد از استقلال اعم از استاد ،نویسنده ،شاعر وسیاستمدار میشناسیم در پیوند با این مکتب مطرح میشوند که بر اساس آنچه در ارتباط علامه سلجوقی و علامه  اقبال گفیم به نحوی از انحا با علامه اقبال نزدیکی پیدا میکنندوبدین طریق جریان علمی و اکادمیک بعد از استقلال را به طور غیر مستقیم به علامه اقبال پیوندمیدهد. 

اقبال و پوهنتون کابل و تحصیلات عالی کشور                                              

یکی از مهمترین کارهایی که در زنده گی اقبال موجود است ،ارتباط اقبال با تحصیلات عالی افغانستان و پوهنتون کابل به عنوان پوهنتون مادر  درکشور میباشد . علامه اقبال نخستین دانشمندی است که به عنوان مشاور فرهنگی هنگام تائسیس پوهنتون کابل در 1933 به افغانستان رسما دعوت گردیده است . 11به یقین سمت مشاوریت فرهنگی بر اقبال تاثیر خاصی داشته،چنانکه میبینیم رسالهء منظوم «پس چه باید کرد ای اقوام شرق» و منظومهء «مسافر» که دوسال قبل از وفات علامه اقبال یعنی در 1936 به و جود آمده است رساله هایی است که کاملا اهداف مشخص برای ساختن نهاد های مدنی و فرهنگی و بیداری مردم ایجاد گردیده است. 

اقبال، کریکولم و میتودولوژی مکاتب و پوهنتون                                              

اقبال ازیکطرف باشخصیت کلیدی جریانهای علمی و اکادمیک درکشور یعنی علامه استاد صلاح الدین سلجوقی ارتباط فکری داشت از سوی دیگر رسما به حیث مشاور فرهنگی در امور تحصیلات عالی به دولت آن وقت مشوره میداد به جریانهایی که در ساحات تعلیم و تربیه و تحصیلات عالی ارتباط دارد تاثیرات خاصی داشته  است.(3) اسلام خواهی که در آثار علامه اقبال و علامه سلجوقی مشترک است با احساس تجدد خواهی و نو گرایی عجین گردیده که آنچه تا 1357 در امور تعلیم و تربیه و تحصیلات عالی وکارهای فرهنگی وعلمی به مشاهده میرسد میتوان این بخش را به طور دقیق به ارزیابی گرفت و تاثیرات علامه اقبال را به صورت مستند تشخیص داد و آن را ارائه کرد .


علامه اقبال یکی از شخصیتهای متنفذ در جهان اسلام به اساس علاقمندیهایی که به تاریخ دورهء کلاسیک ودورهء معاصر افغانستان داشته است به صورت عمیق به گوشه های مختلف فرهنگ افغانستان توجه نموده ودر اثار و اشعار خویش طوری از افغانستان صحبت میکند که آن را به عنوان کشور خودی ترسیم مینماید و کسی که نداند اقبال از پاکستان است و صرف آثار و اشعارش را بنگرد حتما خیال میکند که از افغانستان است و یکی از دلایلی که وی مورد توجه علما و دانشمندان افغانستان میباشد علاوه بر افکار واندیشه های وی که به عنوان ایدیالوگ جهان اسلام مطرح است علاقمندی خاص وی به افغانستان و مردم این سرزمین است . در صورتی که کریکولم ومیتود های درسی در پوهنتون کابل و فعالیتهای علمی و تحقیقی که در افغانستان صورت گرفته است بررسی گردد نقش علامه اقبال در آنها به روشنی به  مشاهده خواهد رسید که مطالعهء آن خالی از دلچسپی نخواهد بود . یکی از اموری که تداوم افکار و اندیشه های اقبال را درجریانهای علمی و فرهنگی و اکادمیک امکانپذیر میگردانید تجلیل از سالگرد وفات علامه اقبال است که هر سال در ماه ثور از جانب سفارت پاکستان به صورت یک عنعنه با شرکت فعال استادان دیپارتمنت دری پوهنحی ادبیات و علوم بشری پوهنتون کابل دایر میگردید و خبر آن بامتن خطابه های مهم در مجلهء ادب انتشار مییافت وبه این طریق تجدید احترام به مقام علمی این دوست مردم و دولت افغانستان میگردید .

منابع و مآخذ

 1. سید غلام رضا سعیدی . «زنده گی و فلسفه ونظریات سیاسی اقبال» ،یادنامهء اقبال

به کوشش بهاءالدین اورنگ ، لاهور: خانهء فرهنگ ایران ، 1357 ص 21.                       

2.غلام حسن مجددی . «فلسفهء اقبال » ادب، ش1_2  سال پانزدهم (1346) ص3.      

3.  کتاب معروف احیای فکر دینی اقبال لاهوری با کتاب احیای علوم دین امام محمد غزالی از نظر اهداف نویسنده گی کاملا مشابه است که میتوان گفت در احیای فکر دینی تاثیر امام غزالی بسیار زیاد به مشاهده میرسدهمچنان مولانا جلال الدین محمد بلخی و سید جمال الدین افغان  از نظر روحی بر اقبال مسلط است  چنانکه این موضوع در جاوید نامه کاملا درمورد مولانا مشهود است ودر بخش فلک عطارد در مورد سید جمال الدین افغان به صورت واضح تذکر رفته است (اقبال .جاوید نامه ،لاهور :شیخ غلام علی ایند سنز ناشران کتب ،چاپ پنجم 1964.)            

4. درین بخش رجوع شود به ( اقبال :«نقش فرنگ » ،پیام مشرق ، لاهور :شیخ علی ایندسنز ، ناشران کتب ،چاپ دهم1963،ص223.)

5.سید غلام رضا سعیدی  ، همان اثر ،ص22. 

6.درمورد میتود انفسی  در اسرار و رموز در بحث اسرار خودی و در مورد روش آفاقی در پیام مشرق و در مورد روش مختلط به مثنوی پس کرد ؟ مراجعه شود.


7. محمد اقبال لاهوری .مثنوی پس چه باید کرد؟ مع مسافر،لاهور : شیخ غلام علی   ایندسنز  ناشران کتب ،چاپ پنجم1964 ،ص 24. 

 8.میرغلام محمد غبار.« تاریخ افانستان بعد از اسلام الی زمان حاضر» افغانستان، انجمن آریانا دایره المعارف، 1334 ،ص 57. 9. محمد اقبال .جاوید نامه،ص63.

10.صلاح الدین سلجوقی .تقویم انسان، کابل : ناشر حمیرا ملکیار سلجوقی، 1352،ص313.  

11. سید غلام رضا سعیدی . همان اثر ، ص22.


 ابوريه محمود،نداي سيد جمال الدين افغاني كابل: وزارت اطلاعات و كلتور، بيهقي،1355

 اسدآبادي سید جمال الدين، 1254-1314ق، نامه هاي تاريخي و سياسي سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي و گفتاري چند از محققان دانشمند تهران: كتابهاي پرستو،1349

 اسدآبادي سید جمال الدين، 1254-1314ق، نيچريه، يا، ناتوراليسم در رد ماديگري و طبعيگيري، شرح زندگاني و كلمات قصار و اندرزهاي حكمت آميز سيد جمال الدين

 اسدآبادي سید جمال الدين، محمد گزيده آثار سيد جمال الدين افغاني كابل: وزارت اطلاعات وكلتور بيهقي،1355

 اسدآبادي سيد جمال الدين، انديشه ها و مبارزات، تهران: حسينيه ارشاد،1376

 اسدآبادي لطف الله بن حسين، شرح حال وآثارسيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي معروف به افغاني تبريز: بنگاه مطبوعاتي دين و دانش،1323

 اسدآبادي لطف الله، شرح حال وآثارسيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي، معروف به (افغاني ) بابعضي ملحقات، تبريز: دين ودانش،1326

 اسماعيل نيا محمود، بررسي و مقايسه نظرات سيد جمال و علامه اقبال در باب تحولات اجتماعي

 اسماعيل‌نيا محمود، بررسي و مقايسه نظرات سيد جمال و علامه اقبال در باب تحولات اجتماعي/ پايان نامه (كارشناسي ارشد) دانشگاه تهران، 1369

 اسماعيلي مهران، جريان‏‎‎‏هايفكري مصر در سده نوزدهم (با تاكيد بر آرا‏‎ء‎‏ رقاعه طهمطاري، سيد جمال‏‎‎‏الدين، محمد عبده، شبلي شميل، فرح الطون به راهنمايي: عطاالله مهاجراني؛ استاد مشاور: عبدالجبار ارفاعي. پايان نامه(كارشناسي ارشد)--دانشگاه تربيت مدرس، دانشكده علوم انساني، 1382. وضعيت پايان نامه: دفاع شده - تاريخ

 اصلاني محمدرضا، /1322-مرغ حق، براي نوجوانان و جوانان؛ سرگذشت سيدجمال الدين اسد آبادي همداني تهران: موسسه نشر و تحقيقات ذكر؛ كتابهاي قاصدك،1378

 اقدامي حسين، طرح يك نقد، گذري درهواي سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي تهران: سحر،1357

 امين صالح جمال الدين تهران: شناخت معارف اسلام،1356

 تقي زاده حسن،/1257 -سيدجمال الدین اسدآبادي معروف به افغانی، تبريز: سروش، 1348

 قلي زاده حسن سيد جمال الدين اسدآبادي رهبر نهضت آزاديخواهي ايران قم: شفق،1350

 توانا محمد علي، سيد جمال‌الدين اسدآبادي و اتحاد اسلامي؛ به راهنمايي: عباس منوچهري؛ استاد مشاور: مسعود غفاري. پايان نامه(كارشناسي ارشد)--دانشگاه تربيت مدرس.دانشكده علوم انساني، وضعيت پايان نامه: دفاع شده - تاريخ دفاع: 1383

 جدير حبيب الرحمان، رساله هاومقالات درباره سيدجمال الدين افغانيكابل:داطلاعاتواوكلتوروزارتبيهقي،1355

 جليلي مهدي، ارزيابي حركت احياگران (جايگاه تعليم و تربيت در انديشه و عملكرد سيد جمال الدين اسدآبادي و شيخ محمد عبده ) / خلاصه مقالات دومين سمينار بررسي ابعاد زندگاني امام حسين (ع)، . تهران، دانشگاه امام حسين، 1374.

 جمالي اسدآبادي ابوالحسن، نامه هاي تاريخي وسياسي سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي وگفتاري چندازمحققان دانشمندتهران: پرستو،1349

 جمالي اسدآبادي صفات الله، اسناد و مدارك درباره سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي قم: طباطبائي،1350

 جمالي اسدآبادي صفات الله، اسدآبادي سيد جمال الدين "تحقيقات اجتماعي "تهران: بوعلي،1352

 جمالي اسدآبادي صفات الله، اسناد و مدارك درباره ايراني الاصل بودن سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي وچندنامه مهم بقلم خودسيدومقالات ونوشته هائي ازمحققين ورانشمندان راجع به شرح احوال ومبارزات وي تهران: ابن سينا، بي ت.

 جمالي سيروس، زندگي و مبارزات سيد جمال الدين اسدآبادي تهران: عطائي،1358

 جيلاني اعظمي غلام، سيد جمال الدين افغان كابل: انجمن ادبي كابل،1317

 حبيبي عبدالحي، نسب وزادگاه سيدجمال الدين الافغاني كابل: وزارت اطلاعات و كلتور بيهقي، 1355

 حسين زاده قرمي مهدي، بررسي مقايسه اي ديدگاه سيد جمال الدين اسدآبادي و ميرزا ملكم خان در باب جايگاه دين در دنياي جديد. پايان نامه (كارشناسي ارشد) -- دانشگاه تهران، 1369

 حلبي علي اصغر، زندگي وسفرهاي سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي تهران: زوار،بي ت.

 خدوري مجيد، تجديدحيات سياسي اسلام، ازسيدجمال الدين تا اخوان المسلمين تهران: انتاا الهام،1359

 خسروشاهي هادي، گردآورنده، مترجم /1317-ترجمه گزيده اي از: اسناد وزارت خارجه انگليس درباره سيدجمال الدين اسدآباديتهران: كلبه شروق، سماط، 1379

 خسروشاهي هادي، گردآورندهسه رساله درباره زندگي و مبارزه سيدجمال الدين اسدآباديتهران: شروق، سماط،1379

 خوكياني محمدامين، حيات سيد جمال الدين افغانكابل : كامل مطبعه عمومي،1318

 دانشگاه تهران، دانشكده دانشكده علوم اجتماعي، گروه جامعه شناسي،رشته جامعه شناسي، 1369، کرشناسي ارشد

 رحمانيان داريوش، تاريخ علت شناسي انحطاط ايرانيان و مسلمين از سيد جمال تا شريعتي؛ به راهنمايي: سيروس برادران شكوهي؛ استاد مشاور: يوسف رحيم لو، منصوره اتحاديه. پايان نامه(دكتري)--دانشگاه تبريز، دانشكده علوم انساني و اجتماعي، 1380.

 رشتيا قاسم، سيدجمال الدين افغاني وافغانستانكابل : وزارت اطلاعات و كلتور بيهقي، 1355

 رمضاني عباس، 1339 -، سيد جمال الدين اسدآباديتهران: ترفند،1383

 س‍ام‍ع‌ م‍ج‍ت‍ب‍ی‌، ن‍ق‍ش‌ س‍ی‍د ج‍م‍ال‌ ال‍دی‍ن‌ اس‍دآب‍ادی‌ در ب‍ی‍داری‌ م‍س‍ل‍م‍ان‍ان‌ در ب‍راب‍ر اس‍ت‍ع‍م‍ار غ‍رب، ؛ اس‍ت‍اد راه‍ن‍م‍ا م‍ح‍م‍د س‍پ‍ه‍ری‌، اس‍ت‍اد م‍ش‍اور م‍ح‍م‍د ح‍س‍ن‌ رازن‍ه‍ان‌، دان‍ش‍گ‍اه‌ آزاد اس‍لام‍ی‌، واح‍د ت‍ه‍ران‌ م‍رک‍زی‌، دان‍ش‍ک‍ده‌ ادب‍ی‍ات‌ و ع‍ل‍وم‌ ان‍س‍ان‍ی‌، تهران، 1383

 سراي اژده: شش قصه به روايت سيد جمال الدين اسدآبادي تهران: قدياني، صرير،1380

 سعيدي غلامرضا، /1284 -مفخر شرق: سيدجمال الدين اسد آبادي تهران: دفترنشرفرهنگ اسلامي، 1370

 سعيدي غلامرضا، مفخر شرق: سيد جمال الدين اسدآبادي تهران: شروق، سماط،1380

 سيدين علي، عقايد تربيتي سيدجمال‌الدين اسدآبادي/ رشد معلم. دوره: هشتم، شماره: 6، 1368

 صاحبي محمدجواد،، تاكتيك هاي انقلابي سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي قم: هادي ، بي ت .

 صاحبي محمدجواد، سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي ( بنيانگذار نهضت احياء تفكر دينيتهران: فكر روز،1375

 صدقي محمد عثمان، سيدجمال الدين افغاني پيشواي انقلاب شرق كابل : وزارت اطلاعات و كلتور بيهقي،1355

 ضابط پور غلامرضا، انديشه سياسي سيدجمال الدین اسدآبادي تهران: كانون انديشه جوان،1386

 طبيب عبدالحكيم، تلاشهاي سياسي سيدجمال الدين افغاني يا مبارز بزرگ سياسي شرق در قرن 19، كابل : وزارت اطلاعات و كلتور بيهقي،1355

 عبداللهي خوروش حسين، سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي درسازمانهاي فراماسونري بي م.: اسلامي،1358

 عدوان محسن، يادواره سيدجمال الدين اسداسلاميتهران : پيام آزادي ، 1357

 ع‍ل‍ی‌پ‍ور دراچ‍ه‌، ع‍ب‍دال‍ل‍ه‌ ت‍رج‍م‍ه‌ و ش‍رح‌ ح‍ال‌ چ‍ه‍ار ف‍رزان‍ه‌ ای‍ران‍ی‌ در اع‍ی‍ان‌ ال‍ش‍ی‍ع‍ه‌، اس‍ت‍اد راه‍ن‍م‍ا ول‍ی‌ال‍ل‍ه‌ ش‍ج‍اع‍پ‍وری‍ان‌اس‍ت‍اد م‍ش‍اور ص‍ادق‌ س‍ی‍اح‍ی‌ دان‍ش‍گ‍اه‌ آزاد اس‍لام‍ی‌، واح‍د آب‍ادان‌ و خ‍رم‍ش‍ه‍ر 1376

 فرهاديان رضا، فريادگر قرن: گوشه هايي از زندگي سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي پايه گذار نهضتهاي اسلامي قم: موسسه فرهنگي - تربيتي توحيد،1375

 قاسمي‌پويا اقبال، معرفي نخبگان تعليم و تربيت: انديشه‌هاي تربيتي سيدجمال‌الدين اسدآبادي 1254-1313 ه.قˆ 1838-1985 م، فصلنامه علمي-پژوهشي آموزش بزرگسالان و توسعه. دوره: دوم، شماره: 3. 1372

 قلي پور محمد، /1344- درآمدي بر جامعه شناسي دين (اصلاح گرايي ديني سيدجمال الدين اسدآباديمشهد: محقق،1380

 قلي پور محمد، در آمدي بر جامعه شناسي دين تحليل ساختارانديشه اجتماعي سيد جمال الدين اسد آبادي، دكتر مهدي اديبي، بهار ١٣٧٩ كارشناسي ارشد جامعه شناسي.دانشگاه اصفهان

 كريمي رضا، /1322-آشنايي با نهضت هاي اسلامي در مصر، از سيد جمال الدين تا خالد اسلامبوليتهران: دارالقلم،1378

 گروهي از دانشمندان قم، يادنامه سيد جمال الدين اسدآبادي، موسسه مطبوعاتي دارالعلم، پايان نامه ها، 1396 ق

 گودرزي فاطمه، مباني قرآني انديشه هاي اصلاح گرايانه (امام خميني(ره)در مقايسه با سيد جمال الدين اسد آبادي دانشگاه تهران،دانشكده دانشكده الهيات و معارف اسلامي،گروه گروه علوم قران وحديث،رشته علوم قران وحديث،1378 -كارشناسي ارشد

گودرزي فاطمه، مباني قرآني انديشه هاي اصلاحگرايانه امام خميني (س) در مقايسه با سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي(ره) تهران: عروج،1382

 مجتهدي كريم، سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي وتفكرجديدتهران: نشرتاريخ ايران،1363

 مجموعه مقالات كنگره بين المللي سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي، سيد جمال الدين اسدآبادي و نهضت بيداري اسلامي: تهران: مجمع جهاني تقريب مذاهب اسلامي، 1383

 محيط طباطبائي محمد، سيد جمال الدين اسدآبادي وبيداري مشرق زمين تهران: دفتر نشر فرهنگ اسلامي،1370

 محيط طباطبائي محمد، نقش سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي دربيداري مشرق زمين قم: دارالتبليغ اسلامي،تاريخ مقدمه 1350

 مدرسي چهاردهي مرتضي، 1290 -، /سيد جمال الدين و انديشه هاي او تهران: پرستو،1353

 مدرسي چهاردهي مرتضي، 1290 -، سيد جمال الدين اسد آبادي بي م: انتشارات مجله ماه نو،بي تا

 مدرسي چهاردهي مرتضي، زندگاني و فلسفه اجتماعي و سياسي سيد جمال الدين افغاني، تهران: اقبال،1334

 مدرسي چهاردهي مرتضي، سيدجمال الدين وانديشه هاي او طهران: امير كبير،1347

 مقدم محمدباقر، سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي: غريو بيداري تهران: سازمان تبليغات اسلامی، 1374

 منوچهري عباس، سنت، تجدد و انسجام نظري در انديشه سياسي سيد جمال الدين اسد آبادي/عباس منوچهري.: مجموعه مقالات همايش بررسي مباني فكري و اجتماعي مشروطيت ايران، بزرگداشت آيت الله محمدكاظم خراساني. 396ص.. تهران: انتشارات دانشگاه تهران، 1384. ص. 335 تـا 348.

 مهدوي اصغر، مجموعه اسنادومدارك چاپ نشده درباره سيدجمال الدين مشهوربه افغاني تهران: دانشگاه تهران،1342

 موثقي احمد، سيد جمال الدين اسدآبادي مصلحي متفكر و سياستمدار قم: بوستان كتاب قم (انتشارات دفتر تبليغات اسلامي حوزه علميه قم )،1380

 موثقي احمد، علل وعوامل ضعف وانحطاط مسلمين درانديشه سياسي وآراي اصلاحي سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي تهران: دفترنشرفرهنگ اسلامي،1378

 ميركياني مهدي، رد پاي آتش: با نگاهي به زندگي سيد جمال الدين حسيني اسدآبادي تهران: كانون پرورش فكري كودكان و نوجوانان،1377

 نظروف حق نظر، افكار و انديشه هاي سيد جمال الدين اسدآبادي تهران: پژوهشگاه فرهنگ و هنر اسلامي 1378

 نوروزي محمدمسعود، روشنگر شرق: سيدجمال الدين اسدآبادي تهران: قصيده سرا،1383

 واثقي صدر، /سيدجمال الدين حسيني تهران: پيام، 2535

 واثقي صدر، سيدجمال الدين حسيني پايه گذار نهضتهاي اسلامي تهران : شركت سهامي انتشار، 1348

يوسفي اشكوري حسن، دراي قافله: هفت مقاله در معرفي زندگي، آثار و افكار سيد جمال الدين اسدآبادي تهران: چاپخش،1376

Written by:  IQSC at  18 | Link  | 

Written by:  IQSC at  17 | Link  | 

به مصطفا(ص) برسان خویش را که دین همه اوست

اگر به او نرسیدی تمام بولهبی است  

(علامه اقبال)

 مراسم گرامیداشت هفتۀ وحدت


 نخستین نشست  هم اندیشی دانشجویان    

بدین وسیله به اطلاع کلیۀ دانشجویان علوم انسانی و دانشجویان  محترم خارجی  شاغل به تحصیل در دانشگاه می رساند که مراسم گرامیداشت هفتۀ وحدت   و  اولین   نشست  هم اندیشی دانشجویان پیرامون اهداف و برنامه های "مرکز اقبال شناسی" وابسته با قطب علمی فردوسی شناسی و ادبیات خراسان به شرح زیر برگزار می گردد



 انقلاب اسلامی تحقق آرمانهای اقبال :                               5دقیقه

سخنرانی:جناب آقای دکتر صبّاغیان به عنوان  "علامه اقبال بزرگ منادی وحدت ": 20دقیقه

جلسۀ پرسش و پاسخ با حضور مدیر محترم قطب علمی و مدیر محترم گروه فارسی :  20دقیقه

قرائت منظومۀ"رسالت" از" اسرار خودی" سرودۀ علامه اقبال لاهوری:                 5 دقیقه

قوالی نعت پیامبر اعظم(ص)با اجرای شاد روان عزیز میان به فارسی و اردو :       15 دقیقه


قطب علمی فردوسی شناسی و ادبیات خراسان

  گروه آموزشی  زبان و ادبیات فارسی

دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی دکتر علی شریعتی


Written by:  IQSC at  11 | Link  |